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Giorgio Vasari's Portrait of Lorenzo
The Magnificent: A Ciceronian Symbol of Virtue and a Machiavellian Princely Conceit

Liana De Girolami Cheney
Professor of Art History, Chairperson Department of Cultural Studies, University of Massachusetts Lowel

 

« indietro

 

In the painting, Vasari conveys how Lorenzo prudently listens to the suggestions offered by a beautiful mask crowned with laurel, which pours water from a spout through a mast into a vase. A Latin inscription in the mast,«Praemium virtutis» («Virtue rewards» or «Honor is the Reward of Virtue»), is Ciceronian42. In the painting, the motto al- ludes to how Lorenzo is recognized by his compatriots and the country for his political triumphs. This scene contrasts with the other objects next to Lorenzo, an ancient vase with a Latin inscription, «Virtus omnium vas» or «Virtus omnium veritas» («Virtue conquers all things or Truth conquers all things») or «Virtutum omnim vas» («The vessel of all virtues»)43. This motto further emphasizes Lorenzo's virtues of courage and fortitude exercised in moments of political treachery. These Latin inscriptions allude to Lorenzo's ability to triumph over slander and calumny with truth, courage and pru-dence. Vices such as slander and calumny tend to camouflage or conceal their intent. A mask covers their deceit and shields their weakness44.

The vessel with the last inscription, «Virtus ommium vas», stands over the head of another ugly mask of a severed head, representing another immoral conduct, which Vasari calls this personification Vice (Vizio). The ugly severed head, recalling the bi-blical tale of David and Goliath, lays above a marble base with the Latin inscription, «Vitia virtuti subjacent» («Life supports virtue» or «Vices are dominated by Virtue»), alluding to the triumph of virtue over vice. All these Latin inscriptions pay homage to Lorenzo The Magnificent prudent actions in diplomacy and governance during his controversial political reign. Furthermore, the motto and the image suggest that Lorenzo The Magnificent not only acts prudently but also with temperance. The pouring water from the vase is associated with the personification of Temperance, a cardinal virtue that Lorenzo The Magnificent pursues in order to be a just and a successful ruler.

In Vasari's painting, the masks are of different types. Four masks are depicted, but only one is beautiful, alluding to a virtue, such as Veritas (Truth). The others are ugly and unveil the vices of treachery, deceit and falsehood. At once, masks reveal and con-ceal the truth. In depicting these masks, Vasari is inspired by Renaissance paintings and drawings depicting treachery, such as the Calumny of Apelles45 in the works of Botticelli's Calumny of Apelles of 1495 at the Uffizi (Fig. 17), and Andrea Mantegna's Calumny of Apelles, 1490s drawing at the British Museum46. The Renaissance sub-ject is inspired by Lucian's essay on Slander (Calumny). The ancient essay analyzes a famous painting by Apelles of Kos' Calumny, painted in the fourth century BCE. Apelles depicts this scene after a dramatic personal controversy. A corrupt artistic rival Antiphilos accuses him of conspiracy in front of Ptolemy I Soter, a weak King of Egypt. After the judicial trial and prove of innocence, Apelles revenges himself by composing a painting depicting a gullible ruler listening to vicious and corrupt individuals who seek malice and falsehood. Renaissance painters familiar with the subject depicted how vice of fraud (slander) alludes to the damaging of a good name of another by imputing to him a fault of which the person is not guilty. In the painting of the Portrait ofLoren-zo The Magnificent, Vasari addresses to this subject of slander and indicates how Lo-renzo's temperate and prudent political know how prevents him from following into a trap of deceit and recklessness, in particular, after the Pazzi's conspiracy and papal political scheme against the Medici family47.

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Fig.17. Botticelli, Calumny of Apelles, 1495 (Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence)

As a prudent ruler and a mythical symbol of Prudence, Lorenzo The Magnificent must look back and study the past to learn from unsuccessful and successful accomplish-ments, and look forward to formulate and envision the future. However, Vasari visuali-zes Lorenzo The Magnificent as a prudent ruler but with a different mythical image. Vasari does not portray the traditional Janus face of Prudence with a head of an old man, depicting the past, and a head of a young woman, alluding to the future48. In- stead, he places Lorenzo's portrait in semi-profile, attending at present to the benevolent suggestions of a beautiful mask, and depicting a burning ancient lamp behind Lorenzo, demonstrating that he has learned from past experiences how to adroitly lead. Vasari alludes to this signification of the imagery behind Lorenzo in his descriptive letter to Ottaviano de'Medici:

This is to signify The Magnificent Lorenzo's singular excellence in government; not only in eloquence, but also in everything, maximized by his good judgment, he was a beacon to his illustrious descendants and his magnificent city.

Furthermore, Vasari adorns the attire of Lorenzo The Magnificent with specific Renaissance accessories, such as a leather belt with a large metal ring to hang a mer-chant's purse or a banker's pouch and a silk sash or pocket-handkerchief (Fig. 18)49. These fashionable accessories are part of the attire of Lorenzo as Vasari describes them in his letter:

I shall depict him [Lorenzo de' Medici] sitting, dressed in a long gown of purple, lined with fur of white wolves. In his right hand, he holds a sash, hanging from the center of a large antique belt. Also hanging from the belt is a red velvet purse.

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Fig.18. Anonymous, Merchant-banker, 1470s, engraving Marcello Vannucci, I Medici(Newton & Compton, Rome, 2005), p.47.

However, these accessories are not just selected for decorative purposes but the signification of their functions reveals a specific meaning. In Florentine Quattrocento engravings, the attire of a Renaissance merchant and banker consists of a tunic with a leather belt with a large metal ring to hold a hanging pouch or a purse. Vasari embel-lishes this traditional imagery by portraying Lorenzo's wearing also a white sash or a white silk scarf, a purple-like tunic with trims of feline's fur around the collar and the edges of the sleeves, demonstrating the role of the sitter, which is of an established merchant-banker. Lorenzo's belt reveals not only the functional nature of his role as a banker, thus wearing a large leather belt to hang a purse carrying money, but also alludes to privilege role of the person who wears the belt. The belt like the sash because they encircle the person, they become symbols of demarcation as well as symbols of protection, binding the power of the person's social status and role50. Lorenzo's red purse or pouch suggests the precious content carried by the banker. After all, at this time, the Medici family are the Merchants of Florence as well of Europe. With eagerness and false expectation, the mask depicting Deceit or Falsehood looks directly at Lorenzo's purse; not realizing that the benevolent merchant has discovered his treachery and is requesting a truce51.

On the pier is the head of Deceit or Falsehood [Bugia], biting her tongue at being discovered by The Magnificent Lorenzo.

Traditionally, the purse is an attribute of Mercury, the God of Commerce and In-dustry. In the Imagini delli Dei de gl'Antichi, Cartari portrays Mercury carrying a pouch full of money referring to his trade and its implications of abundance and richness as well as the virtues of liberality and charity (Fig. 19)52. Vasari parallels the indu- strious role of Mercury with Lorenzo's merchant endeavor, and identifies Lorenzo with Mercury, comparing the benevolence of Mercury with the generosity of Lorenzo. Purpo-sely, Vasari places the mask of Deceit, personifying the vice of Avarice, facing Lorenzo, who embodies the virtues of liberality and charity. For Vasari, the inclusion of the purse, hanging from belt and surrounded by the sash, alludes to the skillful business qualities of Lorenzo The Magnificent as well as his munificent nature. Lorenzo's magnanimity and love for the arts and culture benefited the citizen of Florence and enriched the beau-ty of the city.

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Fig.19. Vincenzo Cartari, Mercury, 1557, engraving  Imagini delli Dei de gl'Antichi (Nuova Stile Regina, Genova, 1987) [Photo: author]

In the painting of the Portrait of Lorenzo The Magnificent, Vasari is not only re-ferring to ancient literary or artistic representations and interpretations of political con-flicts or corruptions, but also he is alluding to ancient artistic theory of representations and their connection, e.g., a verbal form versus a visual form. In his painting, Vasari is addressing to Horace's ut pictura poesis(«as is painting, so is poetry» or «painting is like poetry»). The Mannerist painter, imitating the ancient poet, views a painted por-trait as an emblem, a moral and didactic image of Ciceronian and Machiavellian virtù. In the emblematic tradition, an emblem is composed of three parts: an inscription (title or motto), a picture (an image), and a subscription (a written explanation of the meaning of the motto and the image). Vasari parallels this literary structure in his pictorial ima-gery: 1) the Latin inscription originally painted on the marble bases and vessels can be equated to an emblem's inscription; 2) the portrait or image of the Lorenzo represents an emblem's pictura; and 3) an emblem's subscription is indicated by Vasari's account of the painting in his writing, such as his autobiography and letter to Ottaviano de'Me-dici explaining the meaning of the painting. Thus, Vasari's Portrait of Lorenzo The Magnificent alludes to Lorenzo The Magnificent as a personification of Justice and Prudence or Virtue and Good Judgment and as an embodiment of Machiavelli's image of a prince.

Furthermore, in the painted imagery and its composition including a painting within a painting (portrait) and simulated sculptures (vases and pillars), Vasari also refers to another type of paragone, the superiority of painting over sculpture or vice versa. A debate long discussed in humanistic circles of the Cinquecento and initiated by the literato Benedetto Varchi53. In the compositional construction of the painting, Vasari reveals many levels ofparagone. The painted portrait (Lorenzo), a painting within a painting, is on the foreground, affirming a physical proximity, while the vases and the architectural elements are placed in the background of the painting, implying a metaphy-sical distance. In the completed painting and in the painted portrait, Vasari reveals the focus of the past istoria, the significance of Lorenzo The Magnificent, and the present istoria, the Medici family, the patron (Ottaviano de' Medici) and acquired collector (Ales-sandro de'Medici) of the painting, continuing the cultural, moral and political pursuits of their ancestors. In contrast, in the simulated sculpture and architecture, Vasari addres-ses not only at the proximity of time with the depiction of an extraordinary Medici personage, Lorenzo The Magnificent, but also at a historical time with the Latin inscrip-tions in the vases and in the classical architectural elements, which allude to universal values, munificence, goodness and justice.

Years later, 1560-65, in the Palazzo Vecchio, in the Apartments of Leon X orSala di Lorenzo il Magnifico, Vasari repeats and expands the earlier portrait composition of Lorenzo, surrounding him among ambassadors and dignitaries from other nations, who are praising his prudence in diplomacy by offering various exotic gifts (compare Figs. 1 and 20). In this composition, Vasari depicts Lorenzo seated in a marble throne. He is wearing a purple tunic with a merchant belt and a banker's purse. In addition, Lorenzo holds a pocket-handkerchief or ceremonial fazzoletto. Important dignitaries offering unusual gifts, including exotic animals to expand the Medici's zoo collection, surround Lorenzo The Magnificent. Some of the depicted personages are actual figures, who are gesticulating and actively energized by the celebratory event of honoring Lo-renzo The Magnificent, while other figures are symbolic or allegorical; their action are staged and frozen; their cast down gaze or closed eyes denote a spiritual connection. These figures are personification of virtues, Prudence and Fortitude.

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Fig.20. Giorgio Vasari, Lorenzo the Magnificent Receiving the Ambassadors of the Major Powers, 1560-1565 (Sala di Lorenzo il Magnifico, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence) [Photo: author]

Theatrical decorations ornament the reception scene, in one of the banners, for exam-ple, painted with colored plumes, a golden diamond ring and a ribbon with the word «Semper» decorate the background of the celebratory scene (Fig. 21).

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Fig.21. Giorgio Vasari, Banner in Lorenzo the Magnificent Receiving the Ambassadors of the Major Powers, 1560-1565, detail (Sala di Lorenzo il Magnifico, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence) [Photo: author].

This conceit de-rives from Giovio's impresa for the Medici family (Fig. 22)54. The impresa is based on a Medici family design of three intertwined diamond rings with the motto «Semper» («Forever»). Cosimo Il Vecchio, Lorenzo's grandfather, selects this design to indicate the close royal connection of the Medici with France and Spain. Lorenzo adds three plumes with different colors, green, white and red, indicating that when an individual follows God's love, three virtues will flourish in one's life: Faith (Fides), Hope (Spes) and Charity (Caritas). In the painting, Vasari appropriates Giovio's description for the Medici Impresa 36, associating the white plume with Faith, the green plume with Hope, and the red plume with Charity (compare Figs. 21 and 22).

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Fig.22. Paolo Giovio, Dialogo dell'imprese militari et amorose, 1574, Impresa 36 (Glasgow University Library) in www.italianemblems.arts.gla.ac.uk/impresa

In the painting, next to the banner and behind Lorenzo The Magnificent, there are two young women hovering over him, one is holding a snake, and the other is embracing a column (Fig. 22). The figure holding a snake wears a headdress decorated with a sna-ke. In Iconologia, Ripa cites the snake as an attribute of the figurazione of Prudenza (Prudence) Thus anticipating Ripa'sfigurazione, Vasari embodies his figure with the attribute of snake as the personification of Prudence (compare Figs 23 and 24)55. The other figure holding a column is crowned with a leonine headdress (Fig. 23). The com-bination of the two attributes the lion's cap and the column allude to the personification of Fortitude as well as of Constancy56. Also, Ripa describes the figurazione of Fortezza (Fortitude) holding leonine attributes (Fig. 25)57.

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Fig.23. Giorgio Vasari, Prudence and Fortitude in Lorenzo the Magnificent Receiving the Ambassadors of the Major Powers, 1560-1565, detai (Sala di Lorenzo il Magnifico, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence) [Photo: author]


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Fig.24. Cesare Ripa, Prudence (Prudenzia), engraving, Iconologia (Tozzi, Padua, 1618, reprint, ed. Piero Buscaroli, TEA, Milan, 1992) [Photo: author]

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Fig.25. Cesare Ripa, Fortitude (Fortitude), engraving, Iconologia (Tozzi, Padua, 1618, reprint, ed. Piero Buscaroli, TEA, Milan, 1992) [Photo: author]

Because of its vertical supportive structure and solid construction, the column be-comes a symbol of moral connotations, signifying qualities of endurance and courage in moments of adversity. Ripa as well represents the figurazioneof Costanza (Constan-cy) embracing column (Fig. 26)58. However, the symbolism of the column also con- tains historical or military associations, marking commemorative events of victory, such as the ancient Pillars of Hercules or the Roman Column of Trajan and the Column of Marcus Aurelius59. In Dialogo dell'imprese militari et amorose, Impresa 9, Giovio composes an impresa for Charles V, depicting the columns of Hercules as a symbol of moral and political strength (Fig. 27). In the painting, Vasari is again honoring Lorenzo The Magnificent as a formidable leader for his moral and physical courage and fortitude in governing Florence, and comparing him to ancient famous rulers, such as Hercules and Roman emperors, who also struggled for justice and benevolence during their reign (compare Figs. 23 with 24, 25, and 26).

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Fig.26. Cesare Ripa, Constancy, (Costanza), engraving, Iconologia (Tozzi, Padua, 1618, reprint, ed. Piero Buscaroli, TEA, Milan, 1992) [Photo: author]

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In portraying the mythical image of Lorenzo The Magnificent, Vasari acknowledges how demanding is the task of an artist in creating historical paintings and lifelike por-traits («ritrattare dal vero or ritratta al naturale» or «to portray from nature» or «depict a natural portrait»)60. For this reason, Vasari examines earlier portraits of Lorenzo as well as his death mask to depict a dal vero portrait. For Vasari, the artist must study the past in order to interpret the present, as he has prepared for the paintings of Palazzo Vecchio by «reading ancient and modern histories of the city and by searching out and studying works for documentary purposes»61. Moreover, in theRagionamenti, Vasari stresses that in painting, «tutto ha da aver significato» («everything must have mea-ning»)62. But Vasari, like Machiavelli, composes a paradoxical Medicean's realm: where justice and wisdom coexist with deceit and imprudence; where the artistry of astuteness and mastery is glorified for the sake of peace and good government; where an absolute benevolent ruler, Lorenzo The Magnificent, is praised for his virtù of elo-quence and where a Renaissance city like Florence can only flourish under the aggran-dizement of fame and glory of the Medicean dynasty.

 

NOTE

1 A version of this essay was presented at the International Conference on "ICONOCRAZIA: Immagini e potere nel Rinascimento europeo", at the University of Bari, on October 9-10, 2008, organized by Profs. Giuseppe Cascione and Donato Mansueto. I extend my deepest gratitude for their invitation and collegiality at the conference as well as their invaluable comments on the text. For an evaluation of both Vasari's Vite with commentaries and note, see Giorgio Vasari, Le Vite dei più eccellenti pittori, scultori, e architettori nelle redazioni del 1550, 1568, ed. Rosanna Bettarini and Paola Barocchi, Sansoni and S.P.E.S., Florence, 1976-1996, I, p. 30. All succeeding references to this edition will be noted as Vasari-Bettarini and Barocchi. Another possible translation for Vasari's statement is «Invention combines history with images». The ambiguity of the translation is based on the word «istoria». If the word «istoria» is defined in Albertian terms, the meaning of the statement is associated with historical drama and historical visual imagery. If the word «istoria» is in the context of history, collection of documented facts and events, the meaning focuses on the compilation of historical personages.

2 Julian Kliemann, `Il pensiero di Paolo Giovio nelle pitture eseguite sulle sue «invenzioni», Atti del Convegno su Paolo Giovio: Il Rinascimento e la memoria, Presso la Società a Villa Gallia, Como, 1985, pp. 197-223; and by the same author, «Programme, Inschriften und Texte zu Bildern: Einige Bemerkungen zur Praxis in der profanen Wandmalerei des Cinquecento», in Text und Bild, Bild und Text, ed. W. Harms, Georg Thieme Verlag, Stuttgart, 1990, pp. 75-95; Liana De Girolami Cheney, `Giorgio Vasari'sSala dei Cento Giorni: A Farnese Celebration', Exploration in Renaissance Culture, Vol. XXI (1995), pp. 121-151; Maria Luisa Doglio, ed., Paolo Giovio, Dialogo delle imprese militare et amorose (1555), Bulzoni, Rome, 1978, pp. 68n., 90n., 126 and 127n.; and Sonia Maffei, ed., Paolo Giovio, Scritti d'Arte, Scuola Normale Superiore, Pisa, 1999, p. 290, on the Sala dei Cento Giorni, and pp. 302-302, on the letter from Giovio to Cardinal Farnese, praising the «cartoncello con la Giustizia» («Justice's preparatory drawing») of Vasari.

3 Lucia Fornari Schianchi and Nicola Spinosa, I Farnese: Arte e collezionismo, Electa, Milan, 1995, pp. 16-24; Marcello Vannucci, I Medici, Newton and Compton, Rome, 2005, pp. 129-136, and for an extensive bibliography on the Medici family; and Christopher Hibbert, The House of the MediciIts Rise and Fall, Harper Perennial, New York, 1999, pp. 164-174.

4 Clare Robertson, Il Grande Cardinale: Alessandro Farnese Patron of the Arts, Yale University Press, London, 1992, pp. 208-219, on the advisers to the cardinal; in particular, pp. 215-219 on Caro, and pp. 210-215 on Giovio. Very useful is also, by the same author: Clare Robertson, «Annibale Caro as Iconographer Sources and Method», Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 45 (1982), pp. 160-181. See also Annibale Caro,Lettere Familiari, ed. Aulo Greco, Sansoni, Florence, 1957, passim.

5 Giorgio Vasari, Le Vite dei più eccellenti pittori, scultori et architettori, 1550, 1568, ed. Gaetano Milanesi, Sansoni, Florence, 1970-74 (First published in 1878-1885), pp. 115-129. All succeeding references to this text will be noted as Vasari-Milanesi.

6 Ernst Gombrich, The Heritage of Apelles, Cornell University Press, New York, 1976, pp. 124-125, for Caro's letter from Rome to Vasari in Florence, May 10, 1548.

7 In Survival of the Pagan Gods, Seznec notes how Cartari is read and used by Annibale Caro and Giorgio Vasari. See Jean Seznec, Survival of the Pagan Gods, Eaton Press, Paris, l980, 2nd ed., pp. 256-262. See also Robertson, «Annibale Caro as Iconographer: Sources and Method», op. cit., pp. 160-181, and Robertson, Il Grande Cardinaleop. cit., p. 218, where she explains how Caro, one of the first iconographer advisors in the Cinquecento, discusses the possibilities offered by emblematic books such as Cartari's Imagini.

8 Vasari-Bettarini and Barocchi, VI, p. 379, where Vasari refers to Alciato as «Andrea Alciati mio amicissimo» («dearest friend of mine»), and Liana De Girolami Cheney,Giorgio Vasari's Teachers: Sacred and Profane Art, Peter Lang Publishers, London, 2007, pp. 23-33.

9 Giuseppe Cascione, Iconocrazia, Edizioni Ennerre, Milan, 2006, passim. This comparative study examines in terms of paintings, emblems and coins, the eminent political power of Charles V in Europe. See also Images of the Body Politic, ed., Giuseppe Cascione, Donato Mansueto and Gabriel Guarino, Edizioni Ennerre, Milan, 2007, passim. For scholarship on Lorenzo de'Medici, see Hibbert, op.cit., pp. 113-174; W. Kent, Lorenzo de'Medici, the Art of Magnificence, The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD, 2004, passim; Paul Strathern, The Medici: Godfathers of the Renaissance, Simon & Schuster, New York, 2004, passim; Laurie Fusco and Gino Corti, Lorenzo de'Medici, Collector of Antiquities, Cambridge, UK, 2006, passim; and Miles J. Unger, Magnifico: The Brilliant Life and Violent Times of Lorenzo de'Medici, Simon & Schuster, New York, 2008, passim.

10 Karl Frey, Giorgio Vasari der Literarische Nachlass, Georg Müller, Munich, 1923, I, pp. 17-20, for Vasari's letter to Duke Alessandro de'Medici of June or July 1533. Translation of the letter is my own. When Vasari writes the letter he is in Florence and the duke resides at Poggio a Caiano. The letter begins with greetings and explaining another painting, The Transport of the Body of Christ, and then continues with the description of the portrait:

Et da che Vostra Eccellenza si contenta, che io facci un' quadro, dentrovi un ritratto del Magnifico Lorenzo Vecchio, in abito come egli stava positivamente in casa, vedremo di pigliare uno di questi ritratti, che lo somigliano più, et da quello caveremo l'effigie del viso; et il restante ho pensato di farlo con questa inventionze, se piacerà à Vostra Eccellenza: Ancora che la sappi meglio di me l'azioni di questo singolarissimo et rarissimo cittadino, desidero in questo ritratto accompagnarlo con tutti quegli ornamenti che le gran qualita sue gli fregiavano la vita; ancora che sia ornatissimo da se, facendolo solo. Farollo adunque à sedere, vestito d'una veste lunga pauonazza, foderata di lupi bianchi; et la man ritta piglerà un fazzoletto, che pendendolo da una corregia larga all'antica, che lo cigne in mezzo. Dove à quella sara appiccata una scarsella di velluto rosso à uso di borsa; et col braccio ritto poserà in un' pilastro finto di marmo, il quale regge un'anticaglia di porfido. Et in detto pilastro vi sarà una testa di una Bugia, finta di marmo, che si morde la lingua, scoperta dalla mano del Magnifico Lorenzo. Il zoccolo sarà intagliato e faravuisi dentro queste lettere: «Sicut maiores michi ita et ego post mea virtute preluxi». Sopra questo ho fato una maschera bruttissima, figurate per il Vizio, la quale stando à diacere in su la fronte, sarà conculcata da un' purissimo vaso, pien di rose et di viole, con queste lettere: «Virtus omnium vas». Harà questo vaso una cannella da versare acqua appartatamente, nella quale sara infilzata una maschera pulita, bellissima, coronata di lauro; et in fronte queste lettere ò vero nella canella: «Premium virtutis». Dall'altra banda si farà nel medesimo porfido finto una lucerna all'antica con piede fantastico et una maschera bizzarra in cima, la quale mostri, che l'olio si possa mettere fra le corna in sù la fronte; et coi cavando di bocca la lingua, per quella facci papiro et cosi facci lume, mostrando, che il Magnifico Lorenzo per il governo su singolare non solo nella eloquenza, ma in ogni cosa, massime nel giudizio fè lume à discendenti suoi et à contesta magnifica città, Et à cagione che Vostra Eccellenza si satisfaccia, mando questa mia al Poggio; et in quello che manca la povera virtù mia, dandovi quell ch'io posso, supplisca lo eccellentissimo giudizio suo, havendo detto à messer Ottaviano de Medici, à chi io ho data questa, che mi scusi apresso di lei, non sapendo più che tanto; et à Vostra Eccelenza Illustrissima quanto sò et posso di cuore mi raccomando.

(firma) Giorgio Vasari Di Firenze alli... di Gennaio 1531

See also, Ricordo 72, in Frey, op. cit., II, p. 853, where Vasari records payment of 7 scudi for this portrait: «Ricordo, come il 17 d'Agosto 1534 Il Magnifico Messer Ottaviano de'Medici mi fece fare un quadro, alto braccia 1/1/2 dentrovi il ritratto del magnifico Lorenzo Vecchio dal mezzo di su, colorito a olio, per prezzo di scudi sette (7)».

11 Ute Davitt Asmus, Corpus Quad, Vas. Beitrage zur Ikonographie der Italianischen Renaissance, Akademie Verlag, Berlin, 1977, pp. 41-68, and Julian Kliemann, «Giovio and Vasari», Mostra d'Arezzo, Edam, Florence, 1981, pp. 77-78.

12 Between 1556 and 1558, in the Palazzo Vecchio, Sala di Lorenzo Il Magnifico, Vasari depicts Lorenzo The Magnificent Surrounded by Philosophers and Mens of Letters an expanded version on the painted theme of Ghirlandaio.

13 Sydney J. Freedberg, Painting in Italy, 1500-1600, Pelican History of Art, ed., Penguin Books, Baltimore, MD, 1993, pp. 616-619.

14 Liana De Girolami Cheney, «Giorgio Vasari's and Niccolò Machiavelli's Medicean Emblems of War and Peace in the Portrait of Duke Alessandro de Medici», in Artful ArmiesBeautiful Battles, ed. Pia Cuneo, Brill, Leiden, 2001, pp. 107-131.

15 Janet Cox-Rearick, Dynasty and Destiny in Medici Art, Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, 1984, pp. 41-59.

16 This section on the life of Lorenzo de' Medici is based on the writings of Hibbert, op. cit.. pp. 128-143; Lauro Martines, April Blood: Florence and the Plot Against the Medici, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2003, pp. 111-113; Vannucci, op. cit., pp. 103-114; George Holmes, Art and Politics in Renaissance Italy, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1995, pp. 113-136; and Roy Strong, Art and Power, Boydell Press, UK, 1995, pp. 85-87.

17 Hibbert, op. cit., p. 114-116.

18 Vannucci, op. cit., pp. 129-134.

19 In 1481, wishing to restore Dante's reputation, Cristoforo Landino publishes aCommentary on the Divine Comedy, see KennethClark, The Drawings by Sandro Botticelli For Dante's Divine Comedy: After the Originals in the Berlin Museum and Vatican, Harper & Row, Publishers, New York, 1976, pp. 7-24, and Corrado Gizzi,Botticelli e Dante, Electa, Milan, 1990, pp. 100-103.

20 Hibbert, op. cit, p. 18. «Quant'è bella giovenezza, Che si fugge tuttavia! Che vuol esser lieto, sia; Di doman non c'è certezza».

21 Jon Thiem, Lorenzo de'Medici Selected Poems and Prose, Pennsylvania University Press, Philadelphia, PA, 1991, passim.

22 Warman Welliver, Lorenzo and Florence, Clio Press, Indianapolis, IND, 1961, pp. 10-22.

23 Will Durant, The Renaissance, Simon and Schuster, New York, 1953, p. 111.

24 Hibbert, op. cit., pp. 128-143, Vannucci, op. cit., pp. 90-96.

25 Martines, op. cit., pp. 111-113.

26 Stephen K. Scher, ed., The Currency of FamePortraits Medals of the Renaissance, Harry Abrams, New York, 1994, pp. 129-131. John Graham Pollard et al., Renaissance Medals, National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC, 2007, Vol. 1, Italian Renaissance Medals, passim.

27 Vannucci, op. cit., 129-136.

28 Kent, op. cit., p. 248.

29 Vannucci, op. cit., pp. 129-136, and Hibbert, op. cit., pp. 164-172.

30 Vannucci, op. cit., p. 128, Hibbert, op. cit., p. 174.

31 Lina Bolzoni, Poesia e ritratto nel Rinascimento, Laterza, Roma, 2008, p. 22-26, for a discussion on the artist's ability of creating a portrait with emblematic or mythical powers.

32 Hibbert, op. cit, p. 113.

33 Cheney, «Portrait of Duke Alessandro de'Medici», op. cit, 107-131.

34 Scher, ed., op. cit., pp. 131-134.

35 Jacopo Gelli, Divise, Motti e Imprese di Famiglie e Personaggi Italiani, Hoepli, Milan, 1976, p. 291, for an explanation on Lorenzo de'Medici's commission and signification of the motto. Some Florentines constructed fables on its meaning when they saw the painting in the banner. But Cesare Ripa might partially assist in decoding the meaning. In thefigurazione or emblem on Fortitude (Fortezza), Ripa notes that Piero Valeriano in his Book II of the Hierogphyphica sive De sacris Aegyptorum, Oporinum, Basel, 1556, states that the depiction of a lion confronting a boar alludes to the strength of body and soul, where lion is careful in its action and the boar is precipitous in its reactions. See Cesare Ripa, Iconologia, Tozzi, Padua, 1618, reprint, ed. Piero Buscaroli, TEA, Milan, 1992, p. 144, citing Valeriano. Perhaps in his Medicean impresa, Ita et virtus, Giovio knowing the Valeriano's emblem, replaces Valeriano's boar with another lion to emphasize Lorenzo's spiritual and human courage.

36 See Martin Kemp, ed. Leonardo On Painting, Yale University Press, London, 1989, p. 243, illustrating the design from MS H2 49v.

37 Donato Mansueto, Paolo Giovio, Dialogo dell'imprese, 1574, impresa 5, in www.italianemblems. arts.gla.ac.uk/impresa

38 Sydney Anglo, Machiavelli, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1970, pp. 148-169. The Florentine History begins in the year 1434, when the Medici had taken their place as Florence's foremost citizens. Ma-chiavelli believes that Leonardo Bruni and Poggio Bracciolini had already treated the earlier history.

39 Liana De Girolami Cheney, The Paintings of the Casa Vasari, Peter Lang Publishers, London, 2006, pp. 166-170.

40 M. Tulli CiceronisC. Sallustrium crispun invectiva, ed. W. Schöne and W. Eisenhu, Bibliotheca Augustana, Munich, 1969, citation on pp. 86-34.

41 Ripa, op. cit., p. 392.

42 Gelli, op. cit., p. 523, motto 1806. In the painting, Vasari reverses the words in the motto «Virtutis praemium» («The gift of virtue»).

43 Gelli, op. cit., p. 522, motto 1802. Once again, Vasari modifies the motto «Virtus omnia vincit» («Virtue conquers all things»).

44 Guy de Tervarent, Attributes et Symboles dans L'Art Profane, Geneva, 1997, p. 310.

45 The subject derives from Lucian's essay on Slander (Calumny),where he describes a painting on the same subject by the ancient painter Apelles. See David Cast, The Calumny of Apelles, New Haven, 1981, passim.

46 In 1572, Federico Zuccaro inspired by this subject composes a drawing of the Calumny of Apelles, now at the Hamburger Kunsthalle in Hamburg.

47 Welliver, op. cit., pp. 23-60.

48 Cheney, Vasari's Teachersop. cit., pp. 177-184, on Prudence as personification of Good Judgment.

49 Vannucci, op. cit., p. 47.

50 Jean Chevalier and Alain Gheerbrant, Dizionario dei Simboli, Rizzoli, Milan, 1997, p. 280.

51 The white sash like a white flag symbolizes peace or truce. See Chevalier and Gheerbrant, op. cit., p. 146.

52 Vincenzo Cartari, Imagini delli Dei de gl'Antichi (1557), Nuova Stile Regina, Genova, 1987, p. 165, and de Tervarent, op. cit., pp. 75-76.

53 Paola Barocchi, ed., Scritti d'Arte del Cinquecento, Einaudi, Turin, 1978, on Pittura e Scultura, III,pp. 493-544, for a collection of artist's letters sent to Benedetto Varchi on the debate about the superiority of painting or sculpture, and pp. 644-55, for a paragone of the visual arts (painting and sculpture) with the fine arts (music and poetry). See also, John Shearman, «Giorgio Vasari and the Paragons of Art», in Philip Jacks, ed., Vasari's Florence: Artists and Literati at the Medicean Court, Cambridge University Press, Cam-bridge, UK, 1998, pp. 13-22, and Liana De Girolami Cheney, «Cappella degli Artisti: Montorsoli's Marble Plaque», eds. Shelley Zuraw and Hayden Maginnis, Andrew Ladis Festschrift, Georgia Museum of Art, Atlanta, GA (forthcoming 2009), for a discussion on the paragone between marble and medals.

54 Giovio, op. cit., Impresa 36, and Gelli, op. cit., Impresa 1555, pp. 437-439. See also Giovio's Impresa 35 for the design of Cosimo Il Vecchio.

55 Vasari repeats the personification of Prudence in many of his paintings, see Cheney,«Prudence» in Vasari's Teachersop. cit., pp. 177-184, and Cheney, «Sala dei Cento Giorni», opcit., p. 121-51, Vasari repeats the same celebratory subject but substitutes Alexander Farnese with Lorenzo The Magnificent.

56 James Hall, Dictionary of Subjects and Symbols in Art, Harper & Row, Publishers, New York, 1974, p. 247.

57 Ripa, op. cit., pp. 142-144, and Cox-Rearick, op. cit., pp. 251-252.

58 Ripa, op. cit., p. 74.

59 Hans Biedermann, Dictionary of Symbolism: Cultural Icons and the Meanings Behind Them, Meridian Books, New York, 1994, pp. 266-268.

60 While painting the decorative cycles on the theme of war in the Palazzo Vecchio, Vasari visits and sketches some of the combat's sites on site, thus alluding to the concept ofritratta al naturale, to portray an event realistically.

61 Giorgio Vasari, Ragionamenti, in Vasari-Milanesi, VIII, p. 220, «io mi preparava per l'invenzione di questa sala nel leggere le storie antiche e moderne di questa città».

62 Vasari-Milanesi, op. cit., VIII, p. 87.

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